Chitika

Wednesday 25 May 2011

Jordan, Morocco to boost GCC


French bank says Gulf bloc's economy to expand more than 12%

A decision by six Gulf oil producers to admit Jordan and Morocco would add more than 12 per cent to the bloc’s economy which could soar above $one trillion in current prices, a key French bank said on Wednesday.
The two Arab nations are also expected to reap big gains from joining the 30-year-old Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in terms of attracting capital from the wealthy Gulf nations and exporting labour to them, Credit Agricole said.
In en eight-page study authored by John Sfakianakis, chief economist at Banque Saudi Fransi, it said moving forward with this proposal would most notably lead to the creation of a new axis of geo-political influence in the Middle East.
The study, sent to Emirates 24/7, said it believed the main impetus for the proposed inclusion of Morocco and Jordan is now mainly political in nature, adding that it does not foresee any market impact in the coming months as a result of this debate.
Yet the economic implications of integrating two oil-importing states into the energy-rich bloc would be immense and demand careful assessment as to whether economic harmonization can be achieved, Sfakianakis said.
“Full integration of Jordan and Morocco into the GCC economic area would add 12.2 per cent to the bloc’s nominal GDP, based on 2010 data, bringing it solidly above the $one trillion mark,” he said.
He said it would be much easier for the GCC to absorb Jordan since its economy, worth $27.5 billion in 2010, is smaller than that of Oman and about a fifteenth of the size of Saudi Arabia’s.
Jordan, which shares a border with Saudi Arabia’s northwest, is also a better geographic fit than Morocco, a Mediterranean coast state in North Africa.
Morocco’s economy was valued at $103.5bn in 2010, not far below Qatar and Kuwait, and its inclusion in the GCC would lead to a sizeable adjustment in the GCC’s economic structure, Sfakianakis said.
He expected full integration of both countries to reduce Saudi Arabia’s total GDP contribution to the GCC to 36 from 42 per cent, based on 2009 GDP data.
Real growth rates of the two countries were broadly in line with rates achieved by Gulf Arab states in the past two years, the exception being Qatar which has experienced double-digit economic growth as it builds natural gas capacity.
Inflation rates are also on par among the eight countries, although pressure on consumer prices are steeper in Jordan and Saudi Arabia than other countries. The report showed inflation in Jordan is likely to reach 6.1 per cent this year, exceeding forecasts for Saudi Arabia of 5.6 per cent.
According to the study, the timing and character of the inclusion of Morocco and Jordan is not known yet while the currency regimes adhered to by both varies. Jordan’s currency is pegged to the US dollar whereas Morocco’s currency is linked to a EUR-denominated currency basket.
Hence, monetary policy in the case of Jordan is mostly US-focused and Eurozone based in the case of Morocco, it said.
It could be that by the time Morocco and Jordan become more fully aligned with the GCC the currency regime would have also evolved for the Gulf Arab states into a broad-based basket of currencies beyond the dollar, it added.
“Neither Jordan nor Morocco holds substantial oil wealth, setting them apart from Gulf Arab states, which rely on oil exports for the majority of their public revenues. As net oil importers, Jordan and Morocco are more economically diversified and unlike their GCC counterparts, their governments face fiscal deficits this year, in a large part due to the rising cost of energy that has been a boon for Gulf Arab states,” Sfakianakis said.
“The two countries thus have a lot to gain from membership in the GCC, which would facilitate greater foreign direct investment, boost trade, commerce and labour mobilization. Agriculture, which accounts for around 16 per cent of the country’s GDP and employs around 42 per cent of the working population, could offer additional opportunities for investment for the GCC in their search of agricultural investments abroad.”
Turning to finances, the report said the differences between the current GCC bloc and the two potential new members exceed their similarities.
It said this is particularly evident on the fiscal front, adding that Jordan’s budget deficit stood at $1.5 billion in 2010, or 5.4 per cent of GDP including foreign grants, and is likely to widen this year.
Morocco also faces a growing deficit, particularly as investment flows and tourism in the region are hit this year due to the current political unrest.
Jordan’s public debt stock stood at 62.7 per cent of GDP in 2010 as the government sought to finance fiscal deficits, the report said.
By contrast, most Gulf Arab states, except Bahrain, have been posting solid budget surpluses, adding to their already rich foreign asset holdings.
“Integrating Jordan and Morocco could in this respect upset some of the bloc’s progress toward economic integration. Gulf Arab states have been working towards a common market – which includes freedom of movement for the labour force, capital, and goods and services,” it said.
“The GCC also has a longer term objective of establishing a single currency, although that plan has been fraught with delays and hurdles, not least of which was the UAE’s decision to pull out of the project in 2009. All GCC states maintain currency pegs to the dollar, except for Kuwait, which pegs its dinar to a basket of currencies comprised mainly of dollar. Jordan’s dinar is also pegged to the dollar, while Morocco pegs its currency to a basket of key major currencies.”
Sfakianakis noted that GCC states had fulfilled many of the preconditions for a currency union - they are mainly oil exporters, are very open to trade and imported labour, and have flexible labour markets.
Their budget deficit and debt limit criteria are complementary, and they have already ratified a basic monetary union agreement and commenced operations of a monetary council which forms the backbone of the central bank.
“Yet the monetary union has been derailed due to a lack of political will and introducing new players – with very different fiscal and monetary circumstances – could complicate the plan even more. The EU sovereign debt crisis revealed the importance of centralizing both monetary and fiscal policy to avoid breaches of budget deficit and debt limits that could potentially destabilize the bloc.”
Sfakianakis said he believed one major question mark over the extension of full membership to the two countries is population.
He said the population of the new GCC bloc including Jordan and Morocco would almost double in size, rising to 82.9 million as of the end of last year, compared with 45 million in the current GCC.
“Gulf Arab countries have porous borders and nationals of the countries are able to travel within the bloc without visas. This has been possible due to the relatively small indigenous populations in most Gulf countries,” he said.
He noted that with the exception of Saudi Arabia, home to about 18.5 million Saudis, the national populations of most Gulf countries are quite small, in many cases just a fraction of the overall population size.
“Extending unhindered travel rights to Jordanian and Moroccan citizens could be problematic, particularly for Saudi Arabia, which applies stringent rules for the issuance of visas for religious tourism to countries outside of the GCC,” he said.
He added that Jordan, with a population of 6.1 million last year, is more populous than Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain.
Morocco’s population is substantially larger at 31.8 million in 2010-17 per cent more than Saudi Arabia’s population including expatriates.
Around 2.5 million Moroccans, equivalent to 20 per cent of the country’s total labour force, find employment abroad, mostly in Europe.
An estimated 600,000 Jordanians, mostly employed in the Gulf region, remit annually the equivalent of around nine per cent of the country’s GDP.
“With full inclusion of Morocco, Saudi Arabia’s share of the GCC population would fall sharply from 60 per cent now to 33 per cent. Given the population dynamics, it may not be feasible for the GCC to extend full membership to Morocco in particular without setting conditions on the free movement of people.”

Will the Saudis Kill the Arab Spring?


Illustration by Ryan Waller


In his speech last week on the Middle East, President Barack Obamaleft little doubt that America stands with the people of the region in their demand for change. This puts the U.S. on a collision course with Saudi Arabia.
The kingdom has emerged as the leader of a new rejectionist front that is determined to defeat popular demand for reform. One would have expected Iran to lead such a front, but instead it is America’s closest Arab ally in the region that is seeking to defeat our policy. Though the president made no mention of Saudi Arabia in his speech, in the near term, dealing with the kingdom is the biggest challenge facing the U.S. in the Middle East.
Saudi rulers have made clear that they find U.S. support for democracy naive and dangerous, an existential threat to the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. If the U.S. supports democracy, the Saudis are signaling, it can no longer count on its special bond with Riyadh (read: oil).
The Saudi threat is intended to present U.S. policymakers with a choice between U.S. values and U.S. interests. The idea is that either Washington stays the course, supporting the Arab people’s demands for reform, and risks a rift with Saudi Arabia, or it protects that relationship and loses the rest of the Middle East.
In fact, the choice between U.S. values and interests is a false choice, as the president made clear in his speech. Now, American policy has to reflect this truth. So far, Washington has tried to placate the Saudis. It is time we challenged their words and deeds, instead.

Tectonic Shift

It’s no surprise that the tectonic shift in Arab politics, a popular revolt calling for reform, openness and accountability, worries the Saudi monarchy. The kingdom, like the rest of the Arab world, has a young population that wants jobs, freedom and a say in politics. Thirty-nine percent of Saudis ages 20 to 24 are unemployed. Having watched Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak step down amid protests in which Egyptian youths played a key role, Saudi King Abdullah announced $35 billion in new social benefits to head off demands for reform at home. That bought the monarchy time, but too many dominoes are falling in its direction to allow for complacency. Violent protests on Saudi Arabia’s borders, inside Bahrain and Yemen, have been particularly troubling.
From the outset, Riyadh encouraged every Arab ruler to resist reform. The more Washington embraced the Arab Spring, the more Riyadh worried. Saudi rulers took particular exception to Washington’s call for Mubarak to resign, and when the U.S. urged reform in Bahrain, they saw U.S. policy as a direct threat to them.

Encouraging Dialog

Washington had encouraged Bahrain’s king, Hamad ibn Isa al- Khalifa, to enter into dialog with the opposition there, and American diplomats were directly involved in mediating talks. An agreement was almost at hand when Riyadh took the rare step of undermining U.S. policy. Saudi rulers persuaded Bahrain to scuttle the talks and bring in troops from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to suppress the protests.
The weak excuse for this clumsy crackdown was that Iran was orchestrating the protests and Iranian expansionism had to be stopped in its tracks. A local protest inspired by popular demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt was transformed into a regional conflict. The Saudi strategy was clear: shift the focus from democracy to the bogeyman, Iran.
Emboldened by the outcome in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia has mounted a regional strategy to defeat the Arab Spring. Riyadh has called for expansion of the Gulf Cooperation Council, a group of Arab countries that are oil-producing and sit on the Persian Gulf, to include Jordan and Morocco, which qualify on neither count.

Mollifying Protesters

The expansion would transform the GCC into the Arab world’s club of monarchies. Membership would provide cash-strapped Jordan and Morocco ample financial resources to mollify angry protesters. In return, they would have to abandon reform and be prepared to lend their more serious militaries to put down protests should they erupt again in Gulf states.
Saudi Arabia’s new posture is a serious challenge to U.S. policy. Conceding to Saudi demands will put America on the wrong side of a widely popular historical transformation in the region, and thus will only hurt U.S. interests in the long run. Bahrain’s heavy-handed suppression of protests has already dented American standing in the region.
Having Saudi Arabia deliberately ratchet up tensions with Iran is also risky. The Persian Gulfmonarchies don’t have the military muscle to back their aggressive policy toward Iran. Their credibility depends on U.S. support. And if baiting Iran escalates tensions in the Gulf, U.S. interests and the sheer size of its military presence there will inevitably put the U.S. in the middle of the conflict.

Confronting the Challenge

For all these reasons, the U.S. needs to confront the Saudi challenge head-on. Failure to do so will hurt our standing in the region and alienate public opinion there, which will only benefit Iran.
The U.S. should assert its leadership role in the Middle East. It should make clear that, our close ties to Saudi Arabia notwithstanding, we will be as vigilant in pushing for reform in Bahrain as in Libya or Syria. Washington should be prepared to act if the monarchy in Bahrain doesn’t end its crackdown and start a meaningful dialog with the opposition. We should also make clear to Jordan and Morocco that America supports their reform initiatives and won’t look favorably on reversing course.
It’s true that we rely on the GCC for oil, but there will be no interruption in the flow of oil if we disagree with the Gulf states. Their livelihood depends on oil; to profit from it, they must sell it. Moreover, the GCC countries need us to protect their security, as was made amply clear in both wars with Iraq. What should concern us, then, is not the Saudi threats but rather how the people of the Middle East will judge our policies at this critical juncture in their history.

May22: Violent Repression Against Protesters in Morocco


نشر الفوضى في المغرب تحت غطاء الدمقراطية

المخزن شدّو لُوجْعْ


Tuesday 24 May 2011

Citadis passenger service to begin operating between Rabat and Salé


The fleet is made up of 19 double tramsets and 6 single bidirectional tramsets, which are scheduled to come into service in summer 2011. BY A. SAMUEL ·
MAY 24, 2011 · LIGHT RAILMETROS
 


On 18 May 2011, Mohammed VI, King of Morocco, inaugurated the new Citadis passenger service between Rabat and Salé, the first urban area in Morocco to operate a state-of-the-art tramway network.
In 2008, STRS ordered 44 Citadis tramsets from Alstom. The trams will run on a network of two lines that connect 31 stations and extend over a total of 20 km.
The fleet is made up of 19 double tramsets and 6 single bidirectional tramsets, which are scheduled to come into service in summer 2011.
Morocco’s first tramway is notable for its accessibility, its high capacity and the levels of comfort it provides. The double tramsets’ integral low floor – which is level with the platform – and 12 side doors ensure easy access, especially for people with reduced mobility.
Each double tramset is 64 m long and has 118 seated places. They can carry between 400 and 600 passengers during rush hour.
These tramways have been specially designed to meet the operational requirements as defined by STRS. They feature tried and tested equipment that is fitted as standard on all tramways and are the result of feedback about all the Citadis tramways currently in service.
A number of the elements that make them up can also be customised, such as the design of the driver’s cabin, the livery and the interior fittings. The air conditioning and large tinted glass windows, plus the seating and wide aisles, passenger information displays in French and Arabic, and quiet engine operation have all been designed to ensure pleasant travel conditions.
Like the Citadis tramways in service in Barcelona, Paris and Melbourne, Rabat’s trams have been designed so that STRS can provide its passengers with a high-quality transport service that is both safe and reliable.
This transport infrastructure project is part of the programme to develop the Bouregreg valley in response to a growing demand for public transport.
It will function as a structural feature for the Rabat-Salé urban area and is symbolic for the country as a whole: commencement of the tramway service will herald the reintroduction of this means of transport, a means which existed in the first part of the 20th century as a tool for developing and modernising the country’s main urban areas.

10th Annual Mawazine World Rhythms Festival

The 10th Annual Mawazine World Rhythms Festival is being held this week in Morocco’s capital city of Rabat, right in the center of a region in dire need of some good vibrations and peace partying these days.


Here are some video highlights from the 10th edition of the famous Mawazine Festival:

AllHipHop.com sat in with Julian Marley, son of the late, great Bob Marley, who shared what the true essence of reggae music is all about. He also shared what it’s like to be from such a large, talented family.

Julian Marley speaks on the job of being a global peace ambassador in the footsteps of his father 

The Mawazine World Rhythms Festival, which runs from May 20 to 28, boasts an annual collection of world-class musicians from five different continents, along with artists, dancers, street troupes, exhibitions, and workshops.

The festival will officially close on May 29 with a special tribute concert featuring Quincy Jones, Lionel Richie, Shakira, Earth Wind & Fire, and others in remembrance of the 17 victims who died in the recent bombing in Marrakesh.


Monday 23 May 2011

RCA win 10th Morocco title

Excitement built up in Casablanca after the Green Eagles won another Botola cup.
By Naoufel Cherkaoui in Rabat and Mohamed Foily in Nouakchott for Magharebia – 23/05/11
For the tenth time in their history, Raja Casablanca claimed the Botola title. The victory came after the 29th day of championship play on Sunday (May 22nd). RCA defeated Olympique Khouribga 2-1 to consolidate their lead with a total of 57 points, ahead of rivals Wydad Casablanca with 51 points.

After the match, the club fans took to the streets in Casablanca to celebrate the win.
Olympique Khouribga remained in the 5th place with 45 points. Wydad Casablanca returned to the 2nd place after beating Chabab Kasba Tadla 3-0. With this win, WAC's points reached 51.

FUS Rabat are now in the 6th place with 38 points after drawing 1-1 against Kawkab Marrakech.
In their turn, FAR Rabat beat hosts Hassania Agadir to maintain their 7th place with 37 points. HUSA also maintained their 8th place with 35 points.
For their part, Moghreb Fes remained in the 3rd place with 50 points after drawing 2-2 against Olympic Safi, who hold the 4th place with 48 points.
JSKT will now be relegated to the second division after ending the season at the bottom of the rankings.
In the meantime, OS Meknes and Ittihad Khemisset were promoted to the premier league after leading their tables in the second division which drew to a close last week-end.
In Mauritania, FC Nouadhibou, ASC Ksar and Talhaya de Rosso will play in the national cup semi-finals. They will be joined by the winner of the upcoming ASAC Concorde-T .Zeina clash.
ASC Ksar played against the team of Kiffa, 600 kilometres from the capital. Following a tense match, the visitors won a penalty shoot-out, 5-3.
"This is a particularly sweet victory," ASC Ksar general manager Meine Ould Amar said. "We suffered because of the sandy pitch, which didn't allow our players to perform as they normally would. Fortunately, our players managed to gain the upper hand. Now we can fix our eyes firmly on the national cup, which is within our reach."
Meanwhile, FC Nouadhibou found themselves embroiled in an indecisive match against ASC Kedia. Goalie Aldiouma Diallo intercepted two kicks, securing a win for FC Nouadhibou.

"The players stood up to huge pressures, and I'm delighted, because we're still in the race to win the title," coach Moussa Ould Ghassoum told Magharebia.
ASC Kedia coach Sidi N'Diaye shared his disappointment, putting his team's elimination down to poor referee's decisions.
"There's no question we should have been given a penalty, but the referee didn't give it to us," he told Magharebia. "That's a pity, because it could have changed the result of the match. I'm gutted, but congratulations all the same to FC Nouadhibou; they're a good team."
In the third match, Talhaya de Rosso defeated FC Sahel from Nouakchott on penalty kicks after full time saw them tied at one goal each. Talhaya will be the only second division team playing in the semi-finals.




Morocco sells bank stake amid spending push

Mon May 23, 2011 6:14pm GMT
By Souhail Karam

RABAT (Reuters) - Morocco aims to raise 5.3 billion dirhams selling a stake in a leading bank, at a time a spending spree to contain street protests has burdened its finances.
The finance and economy ministry said on Monday the sale of the stake in Banque Central Populaire, among the country's top three lenders, will see the state giving up half its 40 percent stake in BCP to the latter's regional branches known as Banques Populaires Regionales, which will end up holding 37 percent in BCP.
The sale, according to the ministry, aims to boost BCP's development and to allow its regional branches to play a bigger role in the country's plan to devolve powers to its regions.
Shares in BCP have been suspended from trading since Friday in the Casablanca bourse pending the Monday announcement.
"The suspension and the sale took many by surprise. But the price at which the regional branches are buying the BCP stake from the government offers neither a premium nor a discount," said a Casablanca-based trader.
"But BCP's regional branches will end up losing 5.3 billion dirhams in liquidity at a time when the latter is tight. The government could have sold the stake directly to investors in the bourse."
By the end of March, the national budget deficit rose by more than 20 percent to 6.3 billion dirhams from 5.2 billion dirhams a year earlier. This was before the government introduced a wage rise for public sector employees this month.
Bank loans, including to the private sector, rose by an annual 4.7 percent during the first quarter while they were up 15 percent a year earlier. Loans to the treasury meanwhile rose 9.7 percent against a 1.1 percent rise during the first quarter of 2010.
As public protests demanding reform started in February, Finance and Economy Minister Salaheddine Mezouar told Reuters the state would need to sell some assets to keep the 2011 budget deficit at its targeted 3.5 percent.
Speculation at the time focused on a partial sale by the government of its 30 percent stake in Maroc Telecom, controlled by France's Vivendi.
As the protests intensified and strikes multiplied, the government agreed to the multi-billion dollar package to raise wages for public sector employees, as well as the army and paramilitary forces, in a series of handouts aimed to prevent any spillover from revolts in other Arab countries.
At the helm of the Arab world's longest-serving dynasty, King Mohammed in March promised constitutional reform to grant more power to the elected government and to make the judiciary more independent.
The constitutional reform will be submitted to the king for approval next month before a referendum is held in July, to be later followed by parliamentary elections before October.
Lahcen Daoudi, an economist and member of the main opposition party Justice and Development, said the BCP stake sale will not be enough to fill the budget deficit.
"This government does not have the right to deal with such structural issues since it is about to leave ... This government is bankrupt," Daoudi said.